Kontan Jou

ARGH! you would think with the amount of time spent in school AND TEACHING that i would be able to spell! (as well as use the right words…and i just had to backspace yous! OMG what is wrong with me!) favor, if you notice the STUPID glaring spelling faux pas would you please kindly let me know! anyone else make the little dumb mistakes? their for there? that seems to be my error of choice lately. i don’t know why, i DO know the difference. now, before you point out my lack of caps…i am aware of that and it is intentional. i have to be formal in too many other aspects of life…(there’s another one, to, too, two)

What was the ‘new left’ and what did it accomplish?

As the baby boomer generation begins to come of age, a new era of activism develops in America. The New Left develops in response to the desire for social change in America. The New Left proposes to combat civil wrongs and poverty in an era of cold war fears and opposition to foreign entanglements. Student organizations such as the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) push the agenda of the New Left movement. The SDS sought societal reconstruction, shunning systems of “power rooted in possession, privilege, or circumstance (323).” The New Left was a divided movement between politics and culture.

Reflected in the development of organizations such as the Students for a Democratic Society is the early history of the New Left. The Port Huron Statement, presented at the SDS annual convention, is an example of utopian desires and hope for a society abandoning racial prejudice, and eliminating poverty. The statement expresses Cold War fears, stating an awareness of mortality and realization that nuclear capabilities imperil the safety of society. SDS spoke against the materialism of society and indifference of and uninformed populace. They mourned the loss of idealism, believing it replaced by theoretic chaos (326). SDS proposed to seek a democracy where man could reach his full potential, where every man participated, and every individual had a say in the decisions of life. They sought public groupings, collective creativity, educative incentives, not material wealth, as well as an economy with resources open to all and governed by social regulation (328). Ultimately, the America that the SDS proclaimed to seek was an American commune where everyone lived happily ever after without the realism of the world stage. Other groups such as Young Americans for Freedom were less kumbaya, supporting American political and economic system organization while calling for accountability when such when beyond the realm of practicality threatening order and liberty. However, more radical groups such as the Weathermen proclaimed the United States obtained prosperity through the oppression of the Third World, calling for the destruction of U.S. imperialism and establishment of world communism.

Some abandoned their New Left proclamations to embrace the reality of moderation. Pete Collier and David Horowitz describe the New Left movement as “self-aggrandizing romance with corrupt Third Worldism . . .Soviet totalitarianism . . . hypocritical and self-dramatising anti-Americanism (334).” According to those driving the New Left, America was responsible for the nations racial and economic oppression as well as the oppression of the Third World failing to recognize the faults of brutal dictatorships.

Despite the radicalism of the New Left positive accomplishments in American society resulted from New Left activism. The Civil Rights movement resulted in voting rights and improved treatment for African Americans. Anti-war protests forced the government to evaluate foreign policy and Cold War decisions. Students gained a voice on university campuses. Eighteen year olds gained voting rights, and America saw the rebirth of the women’s movement. In addition, the nation became more environmentally conscious forcing a change in national and corporate policy. Due to the New Left movement, Americans in general became more socially aware of the problems facing the impoverished and underprivileged. Political parties were forced to adapt to the awareness to satisfy constituency.

The New Left movement developed out of a frustration for society’s struggles and the desire of young college students to make their mark on a world they viewed as unjust. Idealistic, they sought a utopia that the realities of society do not allow. Desiring to make right the ills of society some participants of the New Left movement took to activism while others chose to isolate themselves on community farms where small-scale socialism was operable. Blind to the positives of America, and protesting the ills of American society some New Left participants justified Soviet imperialism and communist oppression in areas such as Cambodia.

Djembe sent me a link to several “yankee” land pics. I would really love to travel north for a December vacation. Here in the south we rarely get a good snow. What little cold weather precipitation we get is usually in the form of ice or cold rain. Yesterday was nothing but cold rain, just enough to make everything slushy and yuck. I couldn’t beg Tiki to go outside to do her business. When I forced her she would just sit and whine, making me feel horrible that I was making her endure the cold, wet conditions. We used to have a dog, Gruffy, that also hated rain. He was a BIG baby whenever there would be storms. But, when it was just rain I would open the door to let him out…he would stick his nose out, then look up. I know he had to be saying, “eh-eh, I’ll just hold it”. He never had accidents. When he couldn’t hold it any longer he would run out, just as miserable as could be, do what he had to do, and then run back in.

Now that we have had a nice discussion of doggy business…don’t you just love the pic at the top! It is cloudy, but I love the simplicity. The little cabin and barn, *sigh*. I can picture a log cabin not too far away. Is it odd that my dream house is a log cabin? OK, I would settle for a large rustic home. Of course maintenance would be a nightmare, so I’m thrilled with my brick right now. Can’t wait to get more into that redecorating deal! Jem, are you ready!?!

Thanks for reading! Kontan Jou!

So your driving down the road in NE Mississippi. You can’t imagine how you found yourself here, but it isn’t so bad. You have southern hospitality, all the comforts of home, and . . . wth? Buffalo? A herd of buffalo…and giraffe, camels, ostrich, and various other animals. Yes, we have a buffalo park. I don’t know why. It is an odd sight to see though. When family visit we will be on our way somewhere, I’m rambling on about something and realize they are staring out the window with mouth hanging open at the buffalo. Likely they are wondering why? how? or that’s the funniest looking cow I’ve ever seen. My kids love the buffalo park and taking a ride on the buffalo bus. I’ll pass though. I’m just as happy viewing from the comfort of my own vehicle while on my way to my favorite coffee place.

Kontan Jou!

I decided to check for grades to see if prof had finished grading the work I submitted Wednesday. Everything turned out satisfactory. It wasn’t until just a few minutes that I realized what today was. Today was commencement. I opted not to participate in graduation exercises, instead choosing to play in a Christmas musical ensemble with my husband. I’m so excited to be finished. Now I can concentrate on other interests. I’m still going to keep my compchaos blog, but I think I’m going to discontinue posting on kontankote. I’ll just include the travel interest here on kontan jou. Who cares if there is no consistency in posts…that’s what happy day is all about, rambling on about whatever!

DONE! FINALLY DONE! Grad school is over! As of 4:56 this afternoon December 7, 2005 I am finished! the relief is unbelievable.

i’ve been writing and analyzing all day so this is all i have for you…

WOOHOOO!!!!

Why did the US intervene directly in the Vietnam War in 1965?

Stemming from the growth of Cold War fears and an attitude of liberation America’s involvement in Vietnam is one of the most traumatic events in American history. Defeating the French on July 21, 1954, Vietnam was temporarily divided by the Geneva Accords. The United States then became the dominant western influence, hoping to create a sustaining anti-communist government. In the eyes of United States officials, the advancement of communism in Vietnam would be an American defeat despite our level of involvement. Without intervention it was determined by officials, such as W.Walton Butterworth, Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, and Raymond B. Fosdick, consultant to the State Department on Far Eastern Affairs, that there was limited chance of Vietnam falling to communism.

Cold War fears were founded in the domino theory, explained by President Eisenhower in a 1954 interview with Copley Press. Explaining the importance of Indochina Eisenhower explains the material value of the area stating the importance of tin, tungsten, and the rubber plantations to world trade. Eisenhower also expressed concern for humans suffering under the control of a communist dictator. According to Eisenhower’s statements, there were not only economic disadvantages to non-intervention, but the question of freedom for millions. Eisenhower explained broader considerations, describing the domino theory. Vietnam held geographic importance, explaining that if communism took hold it would threaten nearby Japan, the Philippines, even Australia and New Zealand. The premise was that if Vietnam fell to communism surrounding countries would have to turn to communist trading partners, facing the possibility and likelihood of communist influence. In Eisenhower’s opinion, losing Vietnam to communism could have a domino effect with incalculable damage to the free world (286-287).

Many joined the Vietcong did so out of desperation. Propaganda of the Vietcong helped organize the poor to rise against landlords in hopes they would gain freedom and strength to overthrow their economic oppressors. The poor joined the movement in hopes of gaining freedom and prosperity for their country. In the view of anticommunist such as the United States the poor were trading one oppressor for another.

The United States chose to assist South Vietnam, helping them secure their freedom and stability. In response to repeated naval attacks against the United States and Vietcong aggression directed at Stouh Vietnam, the United States Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in 1964 granting the President permission to take necessary measures to secure American security in the region and prevent continued aggression. The resolution went on to state the vital importance of southeast Asia to national interest and international peace (290).

Three courses of action were discussed concerning the expansion of war in Vietnam. The first was to cut losses and withdraw, arranging the best conditions possible. The second was to continue the current plan, realizing limitations and the probability of weakening United States military pressure. The third option involved substantial expansion of the war effort and a vigorous campaign of negotiation (291). The third option involved military and political actions to secure success. Hopes were to open a dialogue of negotiation between North and South Vietnam and to resist increasing Soviet influence in North Vietnam. There were limited expectations of success as the United States military force was not sufficient to fight a guerrilla war in the area. Military success was dependent on significant improvements in recognizing, locating, and defeating the enemy, a more conventional conduction of war. Political analysis was also not positive as increased involvement of the United States military would be unpopular both at home and in Vietnam. Overall, there was limited expectation that the communist North would alter strategy or lose influence without significant defeat. Prospects of success in Vietnam were bleak, according to a report by Robert S. McNamara, June 26, 1965.

The United States chose selective involvement in Vietnam hoping to influence change and prosperity in one region, South Vietnam, and gaining similar influence in North Vietnam. Fear of communist intervention was a driving force for the United States, with prevailing thought centering on the belief in the limited self-governing capacity of Southeast Asians, and increased likelihood of communist influence. The United States declared a parenting role over such areas hoping to guide them to national maturity and independence. In essence the United States sought to exert influence over Vietnam by direct intervention, believing such action would achieve development of a political environment consistent with American interest.

In “The Meaning of Vietnam”, George C. Herring states, “The Americans could provide money and weapons, but they could not furnish the ingredients necessary for political stability, and military success (311).” The United States did not expect the South Vietnamese to be able to rise against the communist influence of North Vietnam. Fearing communist expansion the United States chose direct intervention. Herring indicates the fallacy of the domino theory, explaining the growth, stability, and prosperity of many non-communist countries in Southeast Asia.

Direct intervention led to resentment and distrust of the federal government also threatening the international reputation of the United States. The legacies of direct intervention in Vietnam war are trauma, fear, and frustration. Cold war fears of communist expansion and the “domino theory” proved unfounded as the United States cried wolf and got bitten. Such actions have resulted in the continued questioning of American strategy abroad and fears of repeating the Vietnam experience.

Allen, Thomas B. and Norman Polmar. Code-Name Downfall: The Secret Plan to Invade Japan and Why Truman Dropped the Bomb. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995. Pp. 351.

Adopting a stance of justification for using atomic bombs on Japan, Thomas Allen and Norman Polmar reject ideas of possible negotiations being successful to secure surrender. Included in the work are prewar planning strategies, pacific battle descriptions, an overview of the enemy. Allen and Polmar also address possibilities of invasion and the likelihood of chemical and biological weapons use. Authors detail military actions and discuss alternatives to nuclear destruction, including the stumbling block of unconditional surrender. Documentation of the work includes many secondary sources spanning from 1940s to the 1990s offering a variety of postwar analysis. Also included are official reports, articles, and unpublished manuscripts.

Schoenberger, Walter Smith. Decisions of Destiny. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1969. Pp. 330.

Beginning with a discussion of the Manhattan Project, those involved, and issues of concern such as financing the research and continuing development, Walter Schoenberger details American policy and interaction with leaders such as Joseph Stalin and Winston Churchill. Schoenberger dedicates a chapter to President Harry Truman, his rise to politics and the transition to the presidency. Schoenberger presents a narrative timeline of events before addressing the decision to drop the bomb, its morality, international influence and consequences. Schoenberger takes the stance that destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by nuclear means was a political decision described in moral terms. He goes on to insinuate the moral bankruptcy of total war, stating the key to peace is accommodation, not an unmoving stance of unconditional surrender and total war.

Newman, Robert P. Truman and the Hiroshima Cult. Michigan State University Press, 1995. Pp. 274.

Robert Newman seeks to evaluate the arguments for and against the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and determine the strengths and weaknesses of opposing arguments. Newman analyzes the stance of those who rejected the military necessity of the bomb on the basis and perception that Japan’s surrender was pending. Such opponents of the bomb claim nuclear use was a display of might and racism. Newman evaluates President Truman’s reasons for dropping the bomb as well as arguments for Japan’s readiness to surrender. Also addressed are criticisms of unconditional surrender and using a second bomb. Newman believes Hiroshima cultists, those devoted to the anti-bomb argument do not evaluate the full picture of Japan and World War II, that such individuals focus only on the destruction. They fail to evaluate the impact of invasion, continued fighting, and determination of Japanese leadership, nor do they recognize Japanese awareness of what Newman refers to as reasonable Potsdam terms.

Hein, Laura and Mark Selden. Living with the Bomb: American and Japanese Cultural Conflicts in the Nuclear Age. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1997. Pp. 300.

As part of a Japan in the Modern World series, Living With the Bomb is a collection of essays evaluating post-war sentiment and the aftermath of the atomic bombing of Japan. Authors included are John W. Dower, Yui Daizaburo, Michael Sherry, and others. Essays address controversies of commemoration and historical memory regarding which issues to highlight and which to ignore. Documented with government reports, secondary works, and personal memoirs this work is useful to an evaluation of post-war reaction and issues. Authors present historical events while offering supporting image and personal analysis.

Skates, John Ray. The Invasion of Japan: Alternative to the Bomb. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1969. Pp. 330.

John Ray Skates explains Operation Downfall, plan for Japanese invasion, citing logistical considerations as an issue hindering organization and other theaters of combat. Skates describes problems in the Pacific between 1940 to 1943 and the call for unconditional surrender of Japan. Skates details, individually, the strategies and accomplishments of six military leaders in the Pacific. According to Skates, World War II strategists gave little consideration to not using the bomb. In his opinion, it would have been cheaper and effective to invade Japan, forcing surrender. Analysis of possible results barring an invasion attempt is included. Also included are indications of a growing desire for peace in Japan, yet Skates declares it unacceptable by die-hard militarists. The work fails to give adequate attention to this influential group in Japan. Skates references records and documents of the proposed invasion of Japan, while also relying on secondary sources, news articles, and primary documents such as diaries and memoirs. It is a useful work for evaluating counterarguments to the decision to use the bomb.