KontansPlace

My Waterloo

For the past several nights I have been working my tush off on a PowerPoint of the French Revolution. Here’s the deal, it may or may not get used in class. Not all of the rooms I float to have the capability to project. Sometime when I’m not having to correct every other spelling error b/c I’m so wiped out I will share why. I worked and I worked and I worked and I worked…Then I made my first publish to slideshare.net

My current message:

I hope it posts b/c I would love to be able to post the thing on my school site. Here’s my big issue. I create in Office 2007, but have to save in then 2003 format. Crudmuffins, it always messes up the fonts or spacing. This means that if I desire to continue publishing on slideshare.net I will have modify all my publications to accommodate for their lack of updating. Is it really worth it?

OOOEEEE guess what! It worked and I don’t have to edit the spacing! This makes me very happy.

Now I shall share…It is rather simple, but VERY wordy. Students will have a printout that does not include all slides. They will have to condense the information, based on the “so what does this mean” slides that they will not be given in the handout. Watching, listening, and notetaking will be key activities.

Since this is for the purpose of review I lifted the content from a Sparknotes summary and will be adding to it in class. woo-hoo.

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Bitterness and Blame: Prisons and Prisoners of the Civil War

The emotional turmoil of prison life is profoundly identifiable in prison diaries, memoirs, and historical evaluations. In the evaluation of life in the prisons, historians struggle to lay blame and explain how both Confederate and Union governments as well as the citizens nearby seemingly overlooked atrocities of war such as those prisoners of war experienced. There are many commonalities in the historiography of prisons and prisoners of the Civil War period. The prisons, described most often as dens of filth with prisoners suffering from inadequate food and poor sanitation, most scholars agree, were deplorable. Most historians agree prison conditions were atrocious. Conclusions deviate in the tone of writing and with the assigned culprit for blame.
Personal accounts, narratives, and diaries published immediately following the Civil War were much harsher in their descriptions of prison life and treatment. It is the opinion of some historians that the elaborate descriptions of maltreatment were resulting from the need to convince the government those former prisoners of war deserved pensions. Some accounts demonstrated obvious anger for the captors. Union prisoners held by the Confederacy attempted to show how brutal their captors were. Confederates, defending their virtue, portrayed the North as oppressors. These views are rather indicative of the Lost Cause evaluations emerging after the war.
William Best Hesseltine, in his introduction to Civil War Prisons (1997), simply states, “no prisoner loves his jailer”(p6). This statement alone gives explanation to the various tones of writing regarding the Civil War. He further states, “prisoners in confinement and in varying states of illness were in no position to make objective judgments” (p7). When in misery it is easy to declare deliberate the hardships imposed by one’s captor. To some degree, the captor may be at fault for improper treatment, but maybe not always.
Civil War Prisons (1997), edited by Hesseltine, is a collection of essays concerning various Union and Confederate prisons. Papers presented in this work describe life at Andersonville, Fort Warren, Rock Island, Libby Prison, Elmira, and Johnson’s Island. The final chapter deals with the prison diary of Edmund E. Ryan. Hesseltine, a leading Civil War scholar, was before his death president of the Wisconsin Historical Society and professor of history at the University of Wisconsin. He strives to portray the history of this era without bias. Hesseltine declares that records of the Civil War prisons were incomplete and inadequate to use as a determination to place blame. He does not minimize the brutal nature of prison life, but indicates there are more forces at work than mere thirst for power upon the part of captors. The purpose of his work is to illustrate how carefully objective students studying the Civil War prisons need to be in separating truth from propaganda (p8).
Minor H. McLain, former prisoner of war during World War II and later associate professor of history at the State College in Salem, Massachusetts, presents two scenarios in his doctoral thesis regarding how prisoners may react to their captors. In “The Military Prisons at Fort Warren”, included in Hesseltine’s Civil War Prisons, McLain presents the theory that the prisoner will develop a respect, not to be confused with a like of friendship, for his captors; or the prisoner will develop a hatred for his enemy unparalleled on the battlefield (p32). This is easy to discern when comparing diary accounts published in the years immediately following the war and memoirs published twenty or thirty years later. Generally, accounts published just after the Civil War reveal bitterness and uncompromising descriptions of atrocities faced. Such is the case in Beyond the Lines (1864) by J.J. Geer.
Geer’s account, written from the perspective of a prisoner with no respect for his captors, regards Confederates as savages because of their views on slavery. Geer declares he is presenting a “straightforward and unvarnished account of facts”(p3). Declaring slavery repulsive and necessary to expose, Geer’s bias is apparent. The tone of his writing expresses hateful sentiment for his captors and a grand scale view of the Union. He describes Union military personnel as “the noblest men in the nation . . . (suffering) for country’s sake” (p17). Geer’s work is indicative of Lost Cause views. However, his tone of bitterness is probably more the result of resentment than an effort to portray prevailing thought of the period.
The memoir of Ezra Hoyt Ripple’s, Dancing Along the Deadline: The Andersonville Memoir of a Prisoner of the Confederacy (1996), edited by Mark A. Snell, contrasts Geer’s bitterness. Ripple claims to compose his memoirs for posterity’s sake, it is not meant as propaganda. Throughout the work Ripple does not portray anger or resentment toward his Confederate captors. He usually references them with respect, especially those who had actually seen combat. Snell speculates this may have been because of Ripples softening feelings over the years or because of patriotism of the early twentieth century. During this revisionist period there was much recognition of both the good and bad of Civil War and Reconstruction eras. Ripple may not have been intentionally propagandizing his experiences, but to some degree that is the effect. Although little embellishment is obvious in Ripple’s memoir, he does reveal prison officials as victims of circumstance and strives to portray them as such instead of the evil and inhumane characters many had made them out to be. As Hesseltine evaluates in his article “The Propaganda Literature of Confederate Prisons” (1935), embellishments of prison atrocities are tools of propaganda during and immediately after the Civil War.
All historical accounts of prison life during the Civil War are a testament to the devastating life experienced. Hesseltine states in the “The Propaganda Literature of Confederate Prisons” (1935) and Civil War Prisons: A Study in War Psychology (1930), the 13, 000 graves at Andersonville evidence poverty and inefficiency of the Confederate prison system (p59). In review, Charles Ramsdell declares this as the “first systematic and adequate study of the subject” (p480). According the Ramsdell, Hesseltine refutes charges of confederate wanton cruelty.
History of Andersonville Prison (1968), Ovid Futch, attempts no comparison with other prisons. He attempts to present an unbiased account exposing speculations of deliberate abuse and neglect. Futch concludes Andersonvilles’s failures are a direct result of improper planning and poor timing. He declares not only Henry Wirz, prison supervisor, to blame, but also the entire confederate government. Andersonville atrocities were no secret. Even after periodic inspections, few changes took place. With the works of Hesseltine and Futch, the trend toward revisionist ideology becomes obvious.
William Marvel, in Andersonville: The Last Depot (1994), also argues Confederate inefficiency and poverty as being contributors to mass casualties in the Confederate prison at Andersonville declaring the prisons hasty establishment and failure to reach completion before the arrival of prisoners is to blame. Tried and hung for war crimes, Henry Wirz took blame for the death toll and poor conditions at the Georgia prison. Although not a pleasant or likeable character by description, Wirz suffered as a scapegoat for Andersonville sufferings. In reality, he became the victim of indifferent Confederate commanders and the failing Confederate economy. Marvel uses arguments declaring victimization to exonerate Wirz of being solely responsible for the lacking facility and care at Andersonville. Marvel also attempts to blame Union decisions to cease prisoner exchanges for the high death toll at Andersonville. This argument is unsubstantiated in this and other works. In his review of Andersonville: the Last Depot (1994), Walter Edgar, University of South Carolina, declares Marvel’s argument for the Unions deliberate exacerbation of the prison tragedies by suspension of exchanges as unconvincing and properly dismissed (p157). War is not pleasant, nor is prison life. It is not fathomable that the Lost Cause idea of suspending exchanges of prisoners was for creating more propaganda. It is more plausible the cessation of exchanges was due to conflict between Union and Confederate commanders regarding equal exchange of officers and black troops for white troops. To exchange a single black Union soldier for a single white Confederate soldier indicated equality, which the South was not willing to do.
Similar in detail to Andersonville: The Last Depot (1994) and Dancing Along the Deadline, Edward F. Roberts provides descriptions of Andersonville life in Andersonville Journey (1998). Roberts also declares Wirz a scapegoat. The book, divided into three parts, details an aspect of Andersonville in each section. Part one describes life at Andersonville, including the scarcity of food, shelter and clean water. Roberts evaluates attempted reforms to better accommodate prisoners. This section also introduces Henry Wirz. Part two is dedicated to the transfer of prisoners just before the end of the war, but concentrates mostly on the arrest, trial and hanging of Wirz. Part three discusses post-war actions of prisoner care, the establishment of a proper cemetery and remembering those kept at Andersonville prison and its horrific legacy.
Although Andersonville is the most notorious prison of the Civil War, it is not the only prison. Historiography addresses similar issues of inadequacy at other prisons, north and South. James I. Robertson Jr. directs attention to the Andersonville of the North in his essay, “The Scourge of Elmira”, presented in Hesseltine’s Civil War Prisons (1997). Robertson describes conditions similar to that at Andersonville: overcrowding, poor sanitation, and lack of necessities. Michael Horigan does the same in Elmira: Death Camp of the North (2002). Horigan declares the horrendous conditions where and aggressive retaliation policy adopted by Union government in response to known atrocities of prisoner life in the Confederacy. He also connects treatment with the cease of prisoner exchange as an attempt to hasten the end of the war. This connection is plausible if based on the idea that holding prisoners prevents them from strengthening enemy forces. However, it does not release officials from the responsibility of depravity experienced in the prisons.
Benton McAdams, Rebels at Rock Island: The Story of a Civil War Prison (2000), compares a sixteen percent mortality rate at Rock Island to the thirty percent at Andersonville and twenty-four percent at Elmira. Hardships faced at Rock Island pale in comparison to those at Elmira or Andersonville. McAdams declares the poor reputation of Rock Island stems from a propaganda war between the prison commandant, Adolphus J. Johnson, and journalist Joseph Baker Danforth Jr. Danforth, a Democrat opposing the war, using his journalistic forum to expose and embellish prison faults. Inappropriate comments by Johnson indicating a wish to see prisoners starve did not help ease tensions or remove substance for Danforth to elaborate.
Although propaganda offers negative connotations in evaluating literature, it is usually not without some foundation. Michael P Gray dedicates an entire chapter to prison torture techniques in his work The Business of Captivity (2001). Gray describes, in detail, torture methods used such as a seven-foot box known as a sweatbox that kept a punished prisoner enclosed for a few moments that seemed like hours. He also describes barrel shirts worn as a means of embarrassment for prisoners caught stealing from messmates or other smaller infractions. Reserved for severe punishment was hanging by the thumbs or a practiced called bucking and gagging. Bucking and gagging involved restriction of movement and a wooden block, large enough to split the corners of one’s mouth, placed as a gag (125). With such actions as this, it is no wonder historiography of Civil War prisons reveals much atrocity and bitterness.
Some prisoners did not sit idle without protest to their plight. Edited by George L. Anderson, A Petition Regarding the Conditions in the CSM by John Fraser describes inadequate shelter, rations and care received by prisoners in Columbia, South Carolina. Included in the petition is a statement that the petitioners do not believe their captors are recognizing the extent of prisoner sufferings. The next statement requests no retaliation for the petition. This indicates the previous statement was included to ease any tensions aggravated by such a petition.
In another work written during the war, Henry S. White details his three-month incarceration in eighteen letters compiled to the Zion’s Herald, and independent Methodist newspaper. These letters are published and include editor’s notes by Edward Jervey in Prison Life Among the Rebels (1990). Jervey states White’s anti-southern biases are clear and his opinions should not indicate fact (xiii). This statement is in concurrence with the earlier mentioned advice, by Hesseltine, for students to remain objective when evaluating such a sensitive and emotional subject as prison life.
In researching Civil War prison life one will come across terms such as heroism, nobility, horror, evil and cowardice. These are all aspects addressed in Yankee Rebel (1966), edited by John G. Barrett. This work consists of the diary of Edward Dewitt Patterson, a northerner who chose allegiance to the South. He was first kept prisoner at Fort Delaware, then Johnson’s Island. Although he describes the unsanitary conditions and inadequate food in the prisons, like Ezra Ripple, Patterson describes his captors as predominantly respectful. His tone of writing is matter-of-fact, not bitter nor condescending. He writes in a very descriptive style and describes Confederate soldiers as noble, honorable and high-minded. Bias to his adopted home in the South he does not speak poorly of the North. He continuously declares the North as more resourceful, and adopts Lost Cause sentiment in stating the Union knows it cannot defeat the will of the Southerner. Yankee Rebel (1966) is one of few personal accounts that address events of the war outside prison walls. The only outside information addressed in memoirs of Andersonville or Elmira are the rumors of prison exchange. Patterson was obviously more fortunate in obtaining outside information. In his writing as a prisoner of war, there is much reminiscence of days gone by.
In Libby Life: Experiences of a Prisoner of War (1865) General Frederic Fernandez Cavada offers another descriptive account of prison life. The published work, compiled from the frequent writings of Cavada upon newspaper margins and paper scraps, describes Libby prison in elegant detail and creates a mental picture of disappointing prisoner accommodations. Cavada took to writing of his experiences as a means to pass the time. A commonality between prisoners, regardless of where held, is the large amount of idle time they experienced. Unlike other works of this period, such as The Southern Side; or Andersonville (1876), by Randolph Stevenson, Cavada’s is not indicative of a propaganda tool to expand upon the horror or prisons or to illicit anger toward the opposing force.
In ”Libby Prison: A Study of Emotions” (1958), Frank Byrne declares propaganda and anger toward captors North or South, stems from events caused by fear. In his revisionist view, it was fear, Byrne says, not shortages, which caused actions condemned by propagandists. Prison officials feared losing control, therefore overcompensating to regain or keep power. As a means of control, guards used withholding of rations, ball and chains to restrict movement, or stockade confinement.
It is true that guards and prison supervisors feared losing control of their captives. In multiple works, scenarios are described where guards use withholding rations to gain information. Particularly was the case if suspecting a riot or escape attempt. Torture tactics earlier described presented a means of instigating fear, therefore keeping control.
Interpretations in the historiography of Civil War prisons and the life within are the same with regard to filth and depravity. Some prisons were better than others were; yet, none were adequate for quality care. Differences arise in the culprit to blame for atrocities committed in the name of war. The North blames the South and the South blames the North, each condemning the other for neglect.
Memoirs are the works with the most diversity in blame. Those published in the early twentieth century were less harsh in reference to their captors with some authors declaring them victims of inadequate funding and instructions from unaware ranking officials. Although some guards were brutal, others were respectful and described as such. The change from earlier published accounts is partly due to the passage of time and partly to patriotism and the desire to move past Reconstruction era animosity. There is revisionist influence upon writing of the early Twentieth century. Accepted is the fact that prison conditions were poor and prisoners suffered. However, revisionists declare the inability to correct problems was the cause of continued depravity, not intentional brutality. Accordingly, the governments did the best they could with what they had.
Written without obvious bias are relatively few works. The works of Hesseltine and Futch are the most revered by scholars. Before the Civil War ended works were being published and the topic of prisons being discussed among journalist outlets such as Harper’s Weekly and Zion’s Herald. It is only in the late Twentieth century that authors began suggesting that despite all the obstacles, governments were ultimately responsible for prison failures. Still, objectivity is required in any study of history. War is not pleasant and atrocity abounds. In evaluating any historiography, one has the benefit of hindsight to form opinions and evaluations. In the case of Civil War prisons and prison life, Hesseltine was correct in declaring, no prisoner loves his jailer. The evidence supports this. Regardless of the first hand narratives, the death toll speaks for itself. Governments were negligent, as were guards, prison commandants and even the citizens of the Union and Confederacy. Their choices of inaction sealed the fate of many individuals.

Coal Mining: Walker County, AL

In 1872 Jasper, Alabama was a small village located some distance from a railroad. The main industries were lumber and farming. Modernity had not reached this small area and life was content for its people. They new nothing of modern inventions and luxuries, such as telephones and electricity. There was a village blacksmith, the crude schoolhouse, the wooden store buildings, and a courthouse also built of wood. There were games of marbles, checkers, horseshoe pitching, and horse-trading.

Jasper, the county seat of Walker County, was incorporated in 1889 and can claim coal and timber as its main industries. The city is a trade and processing center for both products. Walker County, formed in 1832, is located in Northwest-central Alabama. Historically, the main industry in Walker County is coal mining. Combined with nearby Jefferson County, Walker was at one time credited with sixty percent of Alabama’s coal production. Although still an industry of the county today, coal mining is declining and other industries such as: hay, corn, livestock, poultry, timber and natural gas production are becoming increasingly important. In 1872, the tremendous profitability and future boom industry of coal was unknown to the citizens of Jasper and Walker County. Capitalism and the railroad would eventually transform the area to a producer of necessity. Coal for trains, furnaces, homes and manufacturers would become the future of the small village of Jasper.

Walker County, even before its official formation in 1832, claimed coal as an important resource. Although, if the legend is true, they may not have known just how important it was. The story credits Walker County as the site for the first coal discovery in Alabama. Apparently, two men were camping on Lost Creek and built a fire receptacle with three black stones. After awakening from several hours sleep, the men were terrified to realize the stones surrounding their fire area were red and glowing. Believing it to be the supernatural work of the devil, they made a hasty retreat. Upon curious and educated investigation, other men discovered the presence of coal explaining away the supernatural glowing rock phenomenon. By 1830, Alabama began commercially producing coal in Tuscaloosa County. It was dug from seams near the river and shipped by boat through the Alabama river systems to Mobile. Due to the treacherous nature of river shipping, which required great skill and navigation ability, it was necessary to transport coal during the flood season. The boom days of Jasper began in 1887 when the Frisco Railroad built a route through Jasper from Memphis, Tennessee to Birmingham, Alabama.

A mineral rich area such as Jasper can contribute its previous isolation from a railroad to the money saving tactics of the railroad companies. Railroad companies serve to connect large cities in the North to port cities of the South. It was beneficial to them to take the shortest, and least expensive, route. This meant avoiding the hills and mountains of North Alabama. Therefore, the vast quantities of mineral wealth were left hidden and unmined. Momentous change was signaled for Walker County in 1884 as the railroad was first used loading coal from mines near Corona. In 1888, a Northern Alabama route into Jasper from a city in northwestern Alabama, Sheffield, was built. With the building of the Frisco and Northern Alabama lines, the coal mining industry of Walker County began serious development. With the discovery of the profitable nature and abundance of Alabama coal, more rail lines were built in Alabama. By the Civil War Alabama was proving to be a valuable state to the nation and the South. In 1920 there were 162 coalmines in Walker County. By 1925, “the total tonnage of coal from the various mines in the county (had reached) several million tons each year”. Plentiful coal deposits allowed Walker to become one of the richest counties in the state during the early 1900s. Most of that coal was mined underground.

Early coal miners would use picks and crowbars to dig coal from the creek and riverbeds. As underground mining became more prevalent the men continued to use picks and shovels but used mules to pull coal out of the mines. Each miner had a round piece of metal known as a “coal check” that was imprinted with his company name and his ID number. When he loaded a coal car he hung the check on the car so the people above ground would know who loaded the coal. Each miner was paid by the amount of coal he loaded. The miner worked by the light of a carbide lamp attached to his hat. Canaries were used to warn underground miners of the dangers of noxious gases. The tools used were usually made and repaired at the mine site by a blacksmith. He played a prominent role in the early mines. The blacksmith could shoe as many as thirty mules in one day. The mules used to pull mining cars were generally kept near the caretakers’ home. The children of the home were responsible for the mules care. Everyone from a father to his children had a role in the mining camp.

By modern standards mining camp life was not easy. Miners and their families usually lived in a company house located near the mine. Several houses would be aligned on both sides of the street to form the mining camp. The houses were modest with usually a front and back porch, two bedrooms, and a kitchen. There was no indoor plumbing therefore a path to the outhouse was a necessity. Early homes had no electricity or running water. Wells were centrally located in the camp for community use. Lighting consisted of kerosene lamps and a fireplace provided heat or wood/coal burning stove. The wood or coal burning stove would also be used for cooking and boiling water for laundry. Washday was the most difficult for the miner’s wife. She washed clothes in hot soapy water and then boiled clothes over a wash pot heated by a wood fire in the back yard. The clothes were then rubbed on a scrub board and roll pressed to remove water so they could be line dried. Although everyone was poor and daily tasks were many times difficult, some recall the mining camps as not a bad place to live. Some camps provided dance halls and movie houses. There was also camaraderie in the camp as everybody knew everybody.

The social gathering place for early coal miner and his family was the company store. It was a place that the men could swap stories or play checkers while their wives purchased goods for the home. Almost everything the family needed could be purchased from the company store. “Many miners, unable to survive until the biweekly pay day, would have to take an advance in the form of clacker or scrip”. To get full value the clacker had to be used in the company store owned by the miner’s employer. Some clacker looked like an admission ticket and was assigned a specific value. It was considered a merchandise trade check and usually included the company name on the front. Coinage was also used. Each store had its own symbol engraved or punched on the coinage. If a miner did not go to the company store that produced the clacker he would receive value for only eighty cents per dollar. If the miner did not pay with clacker the good could be charged to an account and deducted on pay day.

By necessity, both black and white mining families shopped in the company store. However, their pay counters were segregated. Most life in the mining camp was segregated. Although housing was virtually identical, blacks lived in one section of the camp and whites in the other. They also had separate schools. Within the mine blacks and whites worked side by side. In the early 1900s Alabama mine labor was approximately fifty percent white and fifty percent black. However, some operations were twenty-five percent white and seventy-five percent black. The state remained non-unionized in 1924 despite efforts of the United Mine Workers. In attempt for union recognition a serious strike occurred in 1920-1921. Many blacks participated as scabs for the purpose of having a job and the monetary benefits. One particular group at Powderly mining camp sought reciprocity for their work actions. Representatives of the African-American school wrote the Debardeleban Coal Company, as well as other companies, seeking a monetary contribution for their role in the beginning of the mine strike. The success of labor unions was allowed by hard economic times of the Great Depression resulting in the reduction of tons produced in the mine. It also allowed for the success of labor unions. Safety was of utmost concern for both black and white miners. It was one issue labor unions could use to obtain support.

One safety issue miners had to face was the transportation of coal from the interior of the mine to the surface. Several precautions had to be taken with regard to hauling coal. The passages for transport were required to be at adequate width; therefore the tunnels were driven through the coal and overhead rock removed. Lumber was used to support the tunnel. The tunnel trains were constructed in virtually the same way as a narrow gauge railroad. However, the nature and space limitations of a mine required more complex rail systems. In the use of trolley locomotives workers must be protected from electric shock. “The ends of steel rails in the track must be connected with copper wires (bonded) and copper trolley wires suspended from the roof above the rail opposite the rooms or working places.” Trolley wires would be shielded or suspended at least six and a half feet above the rail. Other precautions include separate walking passages, frequent holes for safety when a railcar passes, signals to warn of approaching carts, dispatchers and block signals for when two rail cars operate on one track. Frequent inspections must be made to insure the safety of miners.

Other safety issues include the prevention of falling rock and water removal. In establishing tunnels and rail lines, as well as the actual mining process, workers had to contend with water removal. A 1936 report estimated that for each ton of coal, in some mines, twenty tons of water must be removed. This is an expensive process requiring pumps, pipe, and specialized labor. A silent danger miners face is ventilation.

Seasons and climatic conditions do not affect underground miners. Throughout the year mine temperature remains constant. However, it is of the utmost importance that underground mines have a continuous supply of fresh air. The dangerous gases in the mine must either be diluted with fresh air or removed. Two methods of ventilation practiced in Alabama mines were continuous and split systems. The continuous system allows air pulled by fans to travel in a continuous stream through the mine tunnels. The split system divides the air current into separate current using regulations in the entry points and doors. The air is diverted to a specific section while the other current continues to the next split until the mine is properly ventilated. Proper ventilation and safety training is essential to the mortality of miners. “Although there were some improvements in Alabama mines during the 1920s and 1930s, there was always a danger of death or injury from rock falls, explosions, and machinery.” Between 1921 and 1942 there were 1445 fatalities in Alabama coal mines. Coal companies continue to strive for improved safety. Technological advances of the late 1900s contribute to the improvements in safety and method. Alabama began commercially producing coal around 1832. In 1856 Alabama’s first large scale underground mine opened. Between 1870 and 1926 the mining output in Alabama steadily rose to meet demand. Production fell in 1956, but increased during WWII. Although post war production fell, 1954 marked an upward trend supported by demand. New methods of mining were adapted to increase output.

Of the two types of mining, surface and underground, the nature of the deposit determines the method used. Surface, or strip, mining is generally preferred because of the great return. This is the most economic method when the coal can be mined near the surface. In the early years of strip-mining very little reclamation was done. By the early 1970s environmentalists were outraged. Amidst pressure, companies began more reclamation of stripped land. They replaced topsoil and vegetation, usually pines. Critics were still not happy. A Birmingham News staff reporter, Charles Richardson, stated in 1971, “Alabama’s lasting legacy is a ravished countryside.” Others praised the productivity and efficiency of strip mining claiming strides had been made to improve the environmental impact. Today, approximately sixty percent of coal is taken from surface mines. There are fifteen surface mines operating in Walker County today and a total of 32 in the state of Alabama. There are specific requirements for operating a surface mine. A company must first research the site with regard to environmental issues such as, climate, wildlife, vegetation and soil composition. An application must be made for a federal permit and the company must “post bond for each acre of land it mines to assure that it will be properly mined.” After the proper permits are rewarded, and fees paid, the company prepares the land for mining. It is first cleared with the topsoil stored for later use. Holes are drilled to allow explosives to reach the coal seam. Once the coal is reached and removed the reclamation process begins. The soil is replaced and all attempts are made, in accordance with the Federal Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act, to restore the land to a comparable or better productive state. Advocates of surface mining feel this process is sufficient and any risk is justifiable when evaluating the increased safety and output that surface mining offers.
As the demand for coal became greater, more efforts were made to increase production. Coal today is used to generate electricity. The demand has sustained Alabama coal production. “In 1992, about tree-fourths of Alabama coal production was distributed to domestic markets and nearly one-fourth was exported overseas.” Domestic use of coal was primarily more than 90% in Alabama. Since the 1960s, leading consumers of Alabama coal are electric utilities. Alabama coal is delivered to more than half of other industrial manufacturers. For example, paper and pulp mills, cement and lime plants, and organic fiber manufacturers. In Alabama, undoubtedly, coal is the most important mineral commodity with regard to production value. “In 1992, the State’s output of coal represented nearly one-half of the total estimated value of all mineral commodities production in the state, including crude oil and natural gas.”

The progress made in coal mining is directly related to the increase in consumption and demand. In the early history of the nation the forests of America provided the primary fuel. With industrial expansion an alternative fuel source was necessary. From the accidental use of black rocks for a coal fire in Walker County to being a leader in present day coal production, Alabama has made significant contributions to the coal mining industry.

The New Left

What was the ‘new left’ and what did it accomplish?

As the baby boomer generation begins to come of age, a new era of activism develops in America. The New Left develops in response to the desire for social change in America. The New Left proposes to combat civil wrongs and poverty in an era of cold war fears and opposition to foreign entanglements. Student organizations such as the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) push the agenda of the New Left movement. The SDS sought societal reconstruction, shunning systems of “power rooted in possession, privilege, or circumstance (323).” The New Left was a divided movement between politics and culture.

Reflected in the development of organizations such as the Students for a Democratic Society is the early history of the New Left. The Port Huron Statement, presented at the SDS annual convention, is an example of utopian desires and hope for a society abandoning racial prejudice, and eliminating poverty. The statement expresses Cold War fears, stating an awareness of mortality and realization that nuclear capabilities imperil the safety of society. SDS spoke against the materialism of society and indifference of and uninformed populace. They mourned the loss of idealism, believing it replaced by theoretic chaos (326). SDS proposed to seek a democracy where man could reach his full potential, where every man participated, and every individual had a say in the decisions of life. They sought public groupings, collective creativity, educative incentives, not material wealth, as well as an economy with resources open to all and governed by social regulation (328). Ultimately, the America that the SDS proclaimed to seek was an American commune where everyone lived happily ever after without the realism of the world stage. Other groups such as Young Americans for Freedom were less kumbaya, supporting American political and economic system organization while calling for accountability when such when beyond the realm of practicality threatening order and liberty. However, more radical groups such as the Weathermen proclaimed the United States obtained prosperity through the oppression of the Third World, calling for the destruction of U.S. imperialism and establishment of world communism.

Some abandoned their New Left proclamations to embrace the reality of moderation. Pete Collier and David Horowitz describe the New Left movement as “self-aggrandizing romance with corrupt Third Worldism . . .Soviet totalitarianism . . . hypocritical and self-dramatising anti-Americanism (334).” According to those driving the New Left, America was responsible for the nations racial and economic oppression as well as the oppression of the Third World failing to recognize the faults of brutal dictatorships.

Despite the radicalism of the New Left positive accomplishments in American society resulted from New Left activism. The Civil Rights movement resulted in voting rights and improved treatment for African Americans. Anti-war protests forced the government to evaluate foreign policy and Cold War decisions. Students gained a voice on university campuses. Eighteen year olds gained voting rights, and America saw the rebirth of the women’s movement. In addition, the nation became more environmentally conscious forcing a change in national and corporate policy. Due to the New Left movement, Americans in general became more socially aware of the problems facing the impoverished and underprivileged. Political parties were forced to adapt to the awareness to satisfy constituency.

The New Left movement developed out of a frustration for society’s struggles and the desire of young college students to make their mark on a world they viewed as unjust. Idealistic, they sought a utopia that the realities of society do not allow. Desiring to make right the ills of society some participants of the New Left movement took to activism while others chose to isolate themselves on community farms where small-scale socialism was operable. Blind to the positives of America, and protesting the ills of American society some New Left participants justified Soviet imperialism and communist oppression in areas such as Cambodia.

Vietnam

Why did the US intervene directly in the Vietnam War in 1965?

Stemming from the growth of Cold War fears and an attitude of liberation America’s involvement in Vietnam is one of the most traumatic events in American history. Defeating the French on July 21, 1954, Vietnam was temporarily divided by the Geneva Accords. The United States then became the dominant western influence, hoping to create a sustaining anti-communist government. In the eyes of United States officials, the advancement of communism in Vietnam would be an American defeat despite our level of involvement. Without intervention it was determined by officials, such as W.Walton Butterworth, Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, and Raymond B. Fosdick, consultant to the State Department on Far Eastern Affairs, that there was limited chance of Vietnam falling to communism.

Cold War fears were founded in the domino theory, explained by President Eisenhower in a 1954 interview with Copley Press. Explaining the importance of Indochina Eisenhower explains the material value of the area stating the importance of tin, tungsten, and the rubber plantations to world trade. Eisenhower also expressed concern for humans suffering under the control of a communist dictator. According to Eisenhower’s statements, there were not only economic disadvantages to non-intervention, but the question of freedom for millions. Eisenhower explained broader considerations, describing the domino theory. Vietnam held geographic importance, explaining that if communism took hold it would threaten nearby Japan, the Philippines, even Australia and New Zealand. The premise was that if Vietnam fell to communism surrounding countries would have to turn to communist trading partners, facing the possibility and likelihood of communist influence. In Eisenhower’s opinion, losing Vietnam to communism could have a domino effect with incalculable damage to the free world (286-287).

Many joined the Vietcong did so out of desperation. Propaganda of the Vietcong helped organize the poor to rise against landlords in hopes they would gain freedom and strength to overthrow their economic oppressors. The poor joined the movement in hopes of gaining freedom and prosperity for their country. In the view of anticommunist such as the United States the poor were trading one oppressor for another.

The United States chose to assist South Vietnam, helping them secure their freedom and stability. In response to repeated naval attacks against the United States and Vietcong aggression directed at Stouh Vietnam, the United States Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in 1964 granting the President permission to take necessary measures to secure American security in the region and prevent continued aggression. The resolution went on to state the vital importance of southeast Asia to national interest and international peace (290).

Three courses of action were discussed concerning the expansion of war in Vietnam. The first was to cut losses and withdraw, arranging the best conditions possible. The second was to continue the current plan, realizing limitations and the probability of weakening United States military pressure. The third option involved substantial expansion of the war effort and a vigorous campaign of negotiation (291). The third option involved military and political actions to secure success. Hopes were to open a dialogue of negotiation between North and South Vietnam and to resist increasing Soviet influence in North Vietnam. There were limited expectations of success as the United States military force was not sufficient to fight a guerrilla war in the area. Military success was dependent on significant improvements in recognizing, locating, and defeating the enemy, a more conventional conduction of war. Political analysis was also not positive as increased involvement of the United States military would be unpopular both at home and in Vietnam. Overall, there was limited expectation that the communist North would alter strategy or lose influence without significant defeat. Prospects of success in Vietnam were bleak, according to a report by Robert S. McNamara, June 26, 1965.

The United States chose selective involvement in Vietnam hoping to influence change and prosperity in one region, South Vietnam, and gaining similar influence in North Vietnam. Fear of communist intervention was a driving force for the United States, with prevailing thought centering on the belief in the limited self-governing capacity of Southeast Asians, and increased likelihood of communist influence. The United States declared a parenting role over such areas hoping to guide them to national maturity and independence. In essence the United States sought to exert influence over Vietnam by direct intervention, believing such action would achieve development of a political environment consistent with American interest.

In “The Meaning of Vietnam”, George C. Herring states, “The Americans could provide money and weapons, but they could not furnish the ingredients necessary for political stability, and military success (311).” The United States did not expect the South Vietnamese to be able to rise against the communist influence of North Vietnam. Fearing communist expansion the United States chose direct intervention. Herring indicates the fallacy of the domino theory, explaining the growth, stability, and prosperity of many non-communist countries in Southeast Asia.

Direct intervention led to resentment and distrust of the federal government also threatening the international reputation of the United States. The legacies of direct intervention in Vietnam war are trauma, fear, and frustration. Cold war fears of communist expansion and the “domino theory” proved unfounded as the United States cried wolf and got bitten. Such actions have resulted in the continued questioning of American strategy abroad and fears of repeating the Vietnam experience.

Bombing of Japan: Post V

Allen, Thomas B. and Norman Polmar. Code-Name Downfall: The Secret Plan to Invade Japan and Why Truman Dropped the Bomb. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995. Pp. 351.

Adopting a stance of justification for using atomic bombs on Japan, Thomas Allen and Norman Polmar reject ideas of possible negotiations being successful to secure surrender. Included in the work are prewar planning strategies, pacific battle descriptions, an overview of the enemy. Allen and Polmar also address possibilities of invasion and the likelihood of chemical and biological weapons use. Authors detail military actions and discuss alternatives to nuclear destruction, including the stumbling block of unconditional surrender. Documentation of the work includes many secondary sources spanning from 1940s to the 1990s offering a variety of postwar analysis. Also included are official reports, articles, and unpublished manuscripts.

Schoenberger, Walter Smith. Decisions of Destiny. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1969. Pp. 330.

Beginning with a discussion of the Manhattan Project, those involved, and issues of concern such as financing the research and continuing development, Walter Schoenberger details American policy and interaction with leaders such as Joseph Stalin and Winston Churchill. Schoenberger dedicates a chapter to President Harry Truman, his rise to politics and the transition to the presidency. Schoenberger presents a narrative timeline of events before addressing the decision to drop the bomb, its morality, international influence and consequences. Schoenberger takes the stance that destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by nuclear means was a political decision described in moral terms. He goes on to insinuate the moral bankruptcy of total war, stating the key to peace is accommodation, not an unmoving stance of unconditional surrender and total war.

Bombing of Japan: Post IV

Newman, Robert P. Truman and the Hiroshima Cult. Michigan State University Press, 1995. Pp. 274.

Robert Newman seeks to evaluate the arguments for and against the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and determine the strengths and weaknesses of opposing arguments. Newman analyzes the stance of those who rejected the military necessity of the bomb on the basis and perception that Japan’s surrender was pending. Such opponents of the bomb claim nuclear use was a display of might and racism. Newman evaluates President Truman’s reasons for dropping the bomb as well as arguments for Japan’s readiness to surrender. Also addressed are criticisms of unconditional surrender and using a second bomb. Newman believes Hiroshima cultists, those devoted to the anti-bomb argument do not evaluate the full picture of Japan and World War II, that such individuals focus only on the destruction. They fail to evaluate the impact of invasion, continued fighting, and determination of Japanese leadership, nor do they recognize Japanese awareness of what Newman refers to as reasonable Potsdam terms.

Hein, Laura and Mark Selden. Living with the Bomb: American and Japanese Cultural Conflicts in the Nuclear Age. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1997. Pp. 300.

As part of a Japan in the Modern World series, Living With the Bomb is a collection of essays evaluating post-war sentiment and the aftermath of the atomic bombing of Japan. Authors included are John W. Dower, Yui Daizaburo, Michael Sherry, and others. Essays address controversies of commemoration and historical memory regarding which issues to highlight and which to ignore. Documented with government reports, secondary works, and personal memoirs this work is useful to an evaluation of post-war reaction and issues. Authors present historical events while offering supporting image and personal analysis.

Skates, John Ray. The Invasion of Japan: Alternative to the Bomb. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1969. Pp. 330.

John Ray Skates explains Operation Downfall, plan for Japanese invasion, citing logistical considerations as an issue hindering organization and other theaters of combat. Skates describes problems in the Pacific between 1940 to 1943 and the call for unconditional surrender of Japan. Skates details, individually, the strategies and accomplishments of six military leaders in the Pacific. According to Skates, World War II strategists gave little consideration to not using the bomb. In his opinion, it would have been cheaper and effective to invade Japan, forcing surrender. Analysis of possible results barring an invasion attempt is included. Also included are indications of a growing desire for peace in Japan, yet Skates declares it unacceptable by die-hard militarists. The work fails to give adequate attention to this influential group in Japan. Skates references records and documents of the proposed invasion of Japan, while also relying on secondary sources, news articles, and primary documents such as diaries and memoirs. It is a useful work for evaluating counterarguments to the decision to use the bomb.

The bombing of Japan: Post III

Hogan, Michael J. Hiroshima: In History ad Memory. Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. 238.

Editor Michael Hogan presents a collection of essays originally published in the history of American Foreign Relations journal, Diplomatic History, Spring 1995 issue. Historians included in the work are J. Samuel Walker, Barton J. Bernstein, Paul Boyer, and others. Essays evaluate the historiography of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as the politics surrounding the ultimate decision to drop the bombs. Analysis of historical memory and actuality is also presented. Hogan offers a useful guide to the literature as well as a condensed analysis of pertinent issues surrounding the decision making process, such as the pursuit of peace, speedy end to the war, and Soviet concerns.

Manhattan Project Engineer District. The Atomic Bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Champaign, Illinois: Project Gutenberg. June 29, 1946. Pp. 57.

A report detailing the effects of atomic bombing in Hiroshima and Nagasaki which includes descriptions of propaganda spread in Japan after the destruction , as well as structural damage analysis and radioactivity dangers. Explosion results of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are also compared. Included are descriptions of various injury types such as burns, radiation, and blast injuries. The final segment offers an eyewitness account of the devastation and injuries, ending with the moral question of total war and ethical use of atomic weapons. It is a useful work for evaluating the extensive damage and effects of nuclear power, in order to adequately understand the devastating consequences of the monumental decision to employ nuclear destruction.

The bombing of Japan: post II

Rees David. The Defeat of Japan. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1997. Pp.. 219.

David Rees sets out to tell “the story of the defeat of Japan between June 1944 and 2 September 1945 and does so in a brief narrative account. It is a useful introduction to the bombing of Japan and offers a detailed account beneficial as a topical guide for broader study. Rees begins by detailing the development of Japan and road to war. He then examines conflict in the Pacific and the expansion of war as nuclear experiments take place in the United States. Rees also discusses the determination of Japan as well as attempts to bring the war to a close without nuclear destruction.

Walker, J. Samuel. Prompt and Utter Destruction: Truman and the Use of Atomic Bombs Against Japan. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997. Pp. 142.

The purpose of Samuel Walker’s Prompt and Utter Destruction is to examine and analyze the military necessity of using atomic weaponry on Japan and determine to what extent impressing the Soviet Union played in the decision making process. Walker offers personal views based on research of primary and secondary sources. He relies heavily on other scholars, recommending works of Barton J. Bernstein, Martin J. Sherwin, Alonzo Hamby, and Gar Alperovitz. Walker details the decision to create the Atomic bomb presenting the events and debate leading to its use on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. In presenting the historical information Walker also includes analysis of the debate surrounding Truman’s decision to use the bomb. Walker concludes that many questions regarding military necessity and endurance of Japan can not be answered with any reasonable consensus. There is no certainty that Japan would have quickly surrendered or correctly estimate the total loss of life. There is also no absolute answer to whether an invasion would have been necessary without the bomb. Walker concludes with the declaration that justification for the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki must be evaluated within the context of history and the situation facing the nation in 1945, disregarding all myths since.

Maddox, Robert James. Weapons for Victory: The Hiroshima Decision Fifty Years Later. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1995. Pp.215.

Using primary and secondary sources, manuscripts, government publications, and historical analysis, Robert James Maddox seeks to debunk conspiracy theories highlighting inconsistencies in the arguments for bombing Japan. Maddox claims casualty estimates were lower than originally reported and the purpose of bombing Japan to impress the Soviets were examples of writing history from the conclusion to the introduction. He narrates the change of power from President Roosevelt to Harry Truman and details the extensive briefing necessary for an in the dark Truman to assume power then traces the historical time line to nuclear deployment. Maddox concludes with retrospective analysis, supporting the stance that Truman used the bombs for his stated reasons, preventing greater casualties. Maddox does not discount the impact of nuclear use would have on the Soviet Union or other powers.

Fogelman, Edwin. Hiroshima: The Decision to Use the A-Bomb. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1964. Pp. 114.

Edwin Fogelman offers a collection of essays and suggested readings for evaluating justifications for the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Divided into four parts, the first presents ideas of decision makers, while the second details the opinions of scientists who worked on the Manhattan Project. Section three details the Japanese reaction. Evaluations for and against the use of the bomb are also presented. This research anthology offers a partial resource guide useful to undergraduate or advanced high school course. Most sources have a brief synopsis of the author included with the essay or excerpt which is helpful. Fogelman concludes with a topic and method guide for further research.

The Bombing of Japan: post I

Herken, Gregg. The Winning Weapon: The Atomic Bomb in the Cold War 1945-1950. New York: Random House, 1981. Pp. 425.

Divided into three parts The Winning Weapon, by Gregg Herken, evaluates the build up and deployment of the atomic bombs in Japan. Herken first discusses atomic diplomacy and capabilities, proclaiming America’s rejection of open discussions with Russia regarding the bomb was embracing a policy of monopoly. Herken also addresses President Truman’s initial response to issues after Hiroshima, declaring he was not decisive, but hesitant and vacillating (6). Herken’s third focus in The Winning Weapon is an evaluation of American strategic thinking. It was America’s hope to maintain a monopoly on atomic power. Herken details the attempted secrecy and fears American scientists combated. It did not take long for Russia to remove American exclusivity threatening the security of American society. Confidence waned in the Truman administration as it was discovered that despite atomic production, American security was not adequate to defend against international atomic capabilities. Reliance upon America’s nuclear monopoly instilled a false sense of security. The discovery of Soviet knowledge sparked communist fear in American society. In Herken’s opinion the epidemic fear of soviet espionage was more detrimental than any presence of true espionage could have been.

Schaffer, Ronald. Wings of Judgement: America bombing in 1985. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 272.

Ronald Schaffer evaluates the evolution of American air strategy including detailed descriptions and concerns of the bombing of Germany, fire raids in Japan, and the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. In his analysis he includes the changing moral attitude of civilians and military personnel, as well as perceptions of and reactions to the moral issue of bombing. He begins with a proposition that American generals exercised moral concerns when making decisions for military involvement. However, Schaffer highlights the subjective nature of decision making as there were discrepancies in the definition of military necessity. Generally accepted was the notion to protect civilians from military operation. However, in the realm of military necessity it was not always possible.

Alperovitz, Gar. The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb and the Architecture of an American Myth. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995. Pp. 843.

Presenting arguments of conspiracy and dissent Gar Alperovitz evaluates the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki declaring such extreme action to be out of the realm of necessity, arguing the possibilities of Japanese surrender were apparent. Alperovitz includes considerable information from White House correspondence and other documents, while also raising concerns about information unavailable due to apparent attempts to withhold revelations from the public and other documents that showed signs of manipulation. The work is divided into two books and eleven parts. Book I focuses on top government officials and their activities prior to dropping bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Book II begins with an examination of both Henry L. Stimson, President Harry Truman, and James Byrnes, continuing with an exploration of American belief and how the myth of necessity developed and was perpetuated.